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for example in egypt the brotherhood may be very reluctant on certain aspects of the security sector they're dealing with the military privileges of the military but other areas, for example, police, basic police reform and abuses and behavior of police i think my question and the brotherhood would be happy to see this corrected and improved, but that there is a perception within the brotherhood by many in the egyptian government institutions that if you were to address these issues it would result in its short term increase in crime and stability and they feel as though they can either fight crime effectively where they could address these kind of concerns which would be useful in the long term but detrimental in the short term and they would pay a heavy political price for the increase in crime on the basic security that would come with this reform. if you talk a little bit about that and also in tunisia i was there a couple of weeks ago, and one of the topics that came up quite a bit was the attacks on the u.s. embassy and while those of us here that might obviously highlight the need
in egypt and tunisia to push this forward and to overcome the increasing polarization. >> i will add to and dan's remarks and say in terms of technicalities and specific steps that need to be taken to reconfigure the domestic security establishment, they are all laid out there in a study that was put together by a group of civil society leaders as well as a group of meetings from the securities sector, commonly known as police for egypt. there's a great deal of debate within civil society about the exact concrete actionable step that needs to be taken in the short run and in the long run some of these steps when themselves to the type of changes that would require the liberation. this is one issue to keep in mind. the dialog's ideas are out there but what is missing as dan mentioned is the political will, the seriousness to engage in dialogue on this issue, even if they're not ready to adopt policy recommendations, there needs to be some kind of ongoing dialogue on these issues but at the same time i want to point out the issue of political will is important, there will always be a c
on the states because it's been a very fascinating story. egypt is still going through a revolution, halt asserted -- hasn't asserted itself, needs help from the rest of the world particularly economically. it can't be as assertive and play a role. iraq is not really fully integrated into the arab world left. what does that leave? syria is in trouble. that leaves the gulf cooperate council state led by saudi arabia. so what we have now is a coalition state, the gulf cooperation council around saudi arabia that invited two other states into the royal club, jordan and morocco, to broaden the gcc in exchange for economic and security cooperation going in different directions, and that is the coalition right now that is the powerful coalition in the arab world. and the states that are going through change are somewhat marginalized, there's no one else is so if you want to call that unity, go ahead. that's what we have. >> that's a problem. egypt will come back. >> it'll come back. >> and soon. >> and then in terms of identity politics, you get to a country like libya, you add the tribal -- >>
of peace looking at the state of security forces in egypt, tunisia and libya. the arab spring are in the state of transition with the army, police and intelligence services playing different roles in each. this took place earlier this week in washington. it's two hours. >> good morning everyone. i'm steve heydemann for issues of the u.s. institute of peace, and we are delighted to see you all here at today's session on the securities sector reform in the arab world and some rsvp to me have been scared by the false rumor that it would be subjected to a political polling experience following the panel. that is not the case. so you do not need to worry about that. we are very pleased to have you here with us all this morning. i would like to stress that our topic this morning i think is both particularly important but also especially urgent. i do not think that it is an exaggeration to say what happens with the security sectors in the arab world and by security sectors i mean the police, the armed forces, and most of all of course the very substantial intelligence apparatus that
've had three years. it a dramatic circumstances in egypt and libya and tunisia. they are working on syria. you could point to example in bahrain, for example, not moving as fast. but is pretty difficult to flip the switch and light change every country in a matter of days. part of the obama philosophy, which is very interesting is trying to find what is pragmatically possible in this area that does not get america can't in the trap of unnecessary war, and quite my. so you these two examples of each ability which are most striking. here you have in egypt, you know, people on the streets clearly in opposition to the dictator there. there are plenty of examples, for example, was senior, a wink and a nod trying to crack down team and. bush junior, a wink and a nod to crack down there. around the '50s of course, lots of examples where we tell folks, bush senior in iraq killing saddam if you want to crack down on the sheet, so be it, will not get involved. that's the typical which can do. for bush to go to my work and say you do get political governor, you don't get the crackdown. you are not g
, no one, just the military. two overseas labs i know best are egypt and thailand. they have been around a long time. they were set up after world war ii in the early 1915s. why have they done so well? why are they looked upon as an asset by the country? it is because in those two situations, locals feel that they own part of the organization. if you go there to visit, you see a lot of the egyptians, they feel it is part of their infrastructure, belongs to them. that has been a tremendous excess in -- hiv vaccine could never have been done. miss embrey hit the nail on the head. the position is to make these work a little better between nih and the military because nih has come to recognize the military offers the ability to accomplish its mission. which is basically mixing and pouring in laboratories and knocked out where the rubber hits the road. patients accept certain areas like cancer research. you can't do research on malaria here. it might be changing. if you think about us as a nation, what is best for us in the future, we have built on that, and sentiment, the military labs hallw
to play out in the state department over the next 10 years. to death on the egypt network around the time mubarak fell, if you go it it is a blog of red and blue and purple circles. blue is people in english, read is arabic and political is both. and to have one of those state department's i had a fair number of followers including the middle east, i was on the french. on the map but not really in the middle of the conversation. it does provide the opportunity and the evolution under the center for strategic counterterrorism communications where they answered themselves in to chat rooms to try to change hearts and minds. >> bad as you know, there is them -- ambivalence about the technology with the attention of message and climate. wear shorts found himself in the middle. i think he did what he should have done public diplomacy advanced by the quadrennial diplomacy development review. was the message perfect? not necessarily. it was embraced 48 hours later he had did disadvantage to do the right fame but in the militate campaign. but you do have a robert ford has used technology very eff
is testing egypt. there's more uncertainty than ever about syria, its relationship with iran, whether it can hold lebanon together, what is hezbollah doing now that its backers are in their own fights inside syria. the evolving role of qatar and saudi arabia, and turkey playing a role. it's enormous. of anything at the security conference, this is probably the least secure discussion there is. i'm reminded of bob dylan's favorite song, "along the watchtower," and that should be our anthem this morning. there must be a way out of here so let's aim for some relief and less confusion, and i want to propose the following format just for the beginning of this panel, and then i think i want to open it up to a lot of questions from the floor
, and they simply typed into the search engine the word egypt. and they got totally different responses. why? because there is that process going on, every time that we search for something on our laptop, we are not only gather information, we are getting information. we're getting information about what we buy, about what we find interesting, about what we like, about perhaps what our political biases may be, so that in theory a search engine that ought to be giving me objective information, and you and i ought to get the same information if we type in the same word, not so anymore. that's kind of scary. >> because somebody is making up his or her mind as to what it is that we want. >> it's not somebody. it is, it is a series of zeros and ones. it's a series of, it is the computer, what is the word i'm looking for? [laughter] algorithm, thank you. [laughter] it is the algorithm which is -- >> algorithm is defined, understand it exists, and i respected and i will salute it. it so there. but i want to know what all of that has to do with journalism? who gets up in the morning and covers somet
Search Results 0 to 8 of about 9